The History of the Roman Empire
The History of the Roman Empire
The chronicle of the Roman Empire stretches across ages, chronicling the momentous tale of ancient Rome from the Republic's twilight in the year 27 before Christ, to the abdication of Romulus Augustulus in the West in the year of Our Lord 476. Even farther it lingers, through the Eastern capital's fall at Constantinople in 1453. Though once a humble republic, Rome's hunger for dominion swelled, transforming it into an empire of formidable might. Augustus, its first true Emperor (reigning from 27 B.C. to 14 A.D.), rose from the ashes of Julius Caesar's demise, forever altering the destiny of Rome.
Rome's conquests bloomed in the centuries after the Republic's birth, its borders spreading relentlessly – though in the beginning, the Italian Peninsula was its sole domain. The fires of civil war then consumed the state in the 1st century before Christ, pitting the formidable Julius Caesar against his rival, Pompey. Later still, the world watched as Octavian and Mark Antony vied for supremacy. Antony's defeat at the Battle of Actium in 31 B.C. heralded sweeping change. In 27 B.C., the Senate hailed Octavian as imperator, or "commander," marking the Principate's dawn – a new chapter that would stretch from 27 B.C to 284 A.D. The honorific "Augustus", meaning "the venerated," was soon conferred upon him, a name embraced by emperors for centuries to come.
Augustus skillfully sowed the seeds of dynastic rule, yet fate played a capricious hand, denying him a long line of worthy heirs. The Julio-Claudian dynasty boasted but four successors – Tiberius, the depraved Caligula, Claudius, and the infamous Nero. Their rule ended in 69 A.D., giving way to the turbulent Year of the Four Emperors, a maelstrom from which Vespasian arose triumphant. This marked the short-lived Flavian dynasty, followed by the Nerva-Antonine dynasty graced by the "Five Good Emperors": Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and the philosopher-emperor Marcus Aurelius. Sadly, as the Greek chronicler Dio Cassius lamented, the year 180 A.D. saw Commodus seize power, ushering in an era of deterioration – "a kingdom of gold" tarnished forever into "one of rust and iron". Historians, the great Edward Gibbon among them, cite this as the genesis of Rome's tragic fall.
The Tumultuous Roman Empire
In the year 212, whilst Caracalla sat upon the Imperial throne, a noble decree was issued: Roman citizenship would henceforth grace all free persons born within the Empire's sprawling borders. Yet, despite this magnanimous act, the Severan dynasty proved a tempestuous one. Emperors fell with tragic regularity, their reigns extinguished by assassination or by the headsman's blade. And so descended upon the Empire that dark epoch known as the Crisis of the Third Century – days of barbarian invasion, civil war, fiscal ruin, and plague. Some learned historians mark this crisis as the turning point, the grim herald of the Late Roman Empire, and the beginning of the end for Antiquity itself.
Let us speak further of Philip the Arab, whose rule spanned 244 to 249. He presided over Rome's millennial celebration– the Saecular Games, a grand spectacle in honor of Romulus and Remus. Yet it was Diocletian, enthroned from 284 to 305, who truly left his mark upon Rome. This mighty emperor sought to bring order to the chaos, shifting the very nature of the Princeps. No longer would he be simply the first among equals; he was 'domine', the master, the lord, or as his subjects titled him, 'dominus noster'. This Diocletian also unleashed the 'Great Persecution' a terrible assault against the growing tide of Christian faith. Thus began that absolute monarchy which was to shape the Empire until the fall of its eastern half at Constantinople in 1453.
Intriguingly, Diocletian sought to quell the instability by dividing his Empire into four, each portion ruled by a separate emperor - the Tetrarchy. Filled with confidence that he had staunched the Empire's wounds, he abdicated the throne along with his co-emperor. Sadly, the Tetrarchy soon crumbled into civil strife. Order was restored only with the hard-won victories of Constantine, the first Christian emperor. He moved the Imperial capital, birthing Constantinople and leaving Rome behind. Although briefly interrupted by Julian the Apostate's attempt to revive the old pagan ways, Christianity under the Constantinian dynasty was established as the state religion by Theodosius I in 395 AD.
As the 5th century dawned, the Western Roman Empire crumbled under an onslaught of Germanic migrations and invasions. Its capacity to assimilate and defend was simply overwhelmed. Tradition places the end in the fateful year 476, when Romulus Augustulus was deposed by the warrior Odoacer. Wisely, Odoacer sought the approval of the Eastern Emperor Zeno, ending the fiction of a separate Western Empire. Byzantium endured for centuries more, clinging to the name of Rome, but its power waned until that woeful night in 1453 when Constantine XI perished, and Constantinople fell to the Ottoman Turks. So ended the saga of mighty Rome.
Octavian, grandnephew of the mighty Julius Caesar, and adopted into his lineage, had carved a place for himself amidst the bloody turmoil that followed Caesar's demise. A man of but twenty summers, the year 43 BC saw him elevated as one-third of the Second Triumvirate, a formidable alliance alongside Marcus Lepidus and Mark Antony. Together, they vanquished the last remnants of Caesar's assassins at the Battle of Philippi in 42 BC. Yet, like some festering wound, ambition gnawed at their unity. The Triumvirate shattered in 32 BC, Lepidus cast into exile while Antony, ensnared by the charms of Egypt's Queen Cleopatra, took his own life after Octavian's fleet routed him at the Battle of Actium. In 30 BC, Egypt, too, became a jewel in Octavian's crown.
Now the undisputed sovereign of Rome, Octavian embarked on a grand reformation - the legions, the treasury, the very fabric of political life were reshaped under his guiding hand. The Senate, ever wary of tyranny, heaped upon him exceptional powers. Yet, with cunning born of wisdom exceeding his years, he cloaked his authority under the guise of Republic. While the title of 'rex' - king - was repugnant to Roman sensibilities, Octavian became Caesar, a name echoing the murdered potentate whose legacy he inherited.
The Augustus of Prima Porta... ah, that is how he became known as he fashioned a position both novel and entrenched in history. He shrewdly amassed the powers of various Republican offices. His consulship was renounced in 23 BC, yet its imperium was his still. Most extraordinary, powers akin to that of a tribune were his – to convene Senate and people, nullify their acts, and hold dominion over elections. Yet, he bore not the title 'Tribune', for Rome could not stomach such naked power. It was cunning indeed!
Augustus, with powers more befitting a censor, could dictate public morality, scrutinize laws, conduct the census, and even determine the Senate's very composition. Never had a tribune such authority. Did the Senate truly grant such might, or did he merely seize it? The question vexes historians to this very day.
And then, of course, there was the matter of the legions. Within Rome's sacred walls, his was the sole command. More, he was granted imperium proconsulare maius – authority outranking any mere governor's, allowing him dominion over the furthest provinces. Triumphs, once the Senate's gift to victorious generals, were now Augustus' alone to bestow, for in the eyes of all he was the embodiment of Rome's martial might.
The Senate, in what they perhaps thought a masterstroke, divided Rome's provinces. The most dangerous, where the legions mustered, were declared Augustus' domain. Egypt, rich and defiant, was forbidden to even the Senate's finest families. Taxes swelled the coffers not of the state, but of the emperor's fiscus. Senators retained their provinces, yet Augustus loomed large, his shadow a constant reminder that the Republic was but a plaything he chose to indulge.
The Legions Reforged
The once mighty Roman legions, their numbers swelled to an unruly fifty amidst the chaos of civil war, were pruned with firm hand by Augustus. Down to twenty-eight their ranks were brought, with those of suspect loyalty unceremoniously disbanded. Others, deemed worthy, were united— their banners bearing the mark of Gemina, the Twin. Augustus established a guard of nine cohorts to quell unrest within Italia, three of these, the Praetorian Guard, garrisoned within Rome itself. With control of the fiscus, those sacred coffers, Augustus bound the loyalty of his legions with coin, their livelihoods tethered to his will.
A Succession Most Orderly
Whilst completing the conquest of Hispania, Augustus' generals laid claim to new dominions in Africa and those mysterious lands of Asia Minor. The Emperor's final, and some would say greatest, task was to ensure his power found worthy continuation. Tiberius, his stepson, had won renown subduing Pannonia, Dalmatia, Raetia, and, for a fleeting moment, Germania, marking him as heir apparent. In 6 BC, with a father's pragmatism, Augustus bestowed upon Tiberius a measure of his own authority and swiftly recognized him as successor. In AD 13, a decree was passed extending Augustus' rule of the provinces to Tiberius, rendering his legal powers equal to the Emperor's, yet independent.
Disaster on the Frontier
To cement the Empire's borders along the Danube and the Elbe, Augustus unleashed his legions upon Illyria, Moesia, and Pannonia, south of the great Danube, and across the Elbe into the shadowy forests of Germania. At first, the eagles soared, bringing Roman order to those defiant lands. Yet, disaster lay in wait. The tribes of Illyria rose in bloody defiance, their revolt demanding brutal suppression. Far worse fate awaited Publius Quinctilius Varus - three full legions vanished amidst the Teutoburg Forest, ambushed and slaughtered by Germanic barbarians under the cunning Arminius. Old Augustus, counselled by caution, secured his holdings west of the Rhine and unleashed only punitive raids into those dark lands. The Rhine and Danube would forever stand as the Empire's northern limit.
The End of an Era
In AD 14, at the venerable age of seventy-five, Augustus departed this mortal coil, having steered Rome's destiny for forty years. Tiberius ascended the throne, and thus continued the legacy of Empire.
14-68: The Julio-Claudian Dynasty
Alas, a tragic fate befell the noble Augustus, for his three grandsons, Gaius Caesar, Lucius Caesar, and Agrippa Postumus, sons of his beloved daughter Julia the Elder, perished ere they could claim his mantle. Thus, Tiberius, stepson to Augustus and son of Livia (Augustus's third wife) from her union with Tiberius Nero, ascended to the imperial throne. Both Augustus, hailing from the venerable gens Julia, and Tiberius, of the esteemed gens Claudia – lineages woven deep into the tapestry of ancient Rome – graced the empire with their lineages. Their successors, bound by blood to these noble houses through both Julia the Elder and Augustus' sister Octavia Minor, bequeathed the name "Julio-Claudian" upon this illustrious dynasty.
14-37: Tiberius
Though the first whispers of Tiberius's reign promised an era of tranquility, enriching Rome's coffers and solidifying its might, an insidious darkness soon enshrouded his rule. A miasma of paranoia poisoned his mind, inciting a relentless cycle of treason trials and executions that endured until his passing in the year 37. He relinquished the reins of power to Lucius Aelius Sejanus, a commander of the guard. In 26, Tiberius withdrew into the secluded opulence of his villa on the isle of Capri, entrusting the empire's governance to Sejanus, who gleefully continued the merciless persecutions. Yet, Sejanus sought to usurp power for himself – he secured co-consulship alongside Tiberius in 31 and took Livilla, the emperor's niece, as his bride. However, he found himself tragically ensnared by his own treachery. The emperor's suspicions, once so expertly manipulated by Sejanus, sealed his doom. Sejanus, along with a multitude of his accomplices, was executed that very year. Alas, the terror continued until Tiberius drew his final breath in 37.
Absolutely! Here's a rewrite of the content, infused with the literary richness and subtle flourishes characteristic of late 19th-century English writing:
37-41: Caligula
The grim hand of Tiberius, in its final throes, had swept aside those who might have worn his Imperial purple. Thus, upon his demise, the path to the throne lay clear for his grandnephew Gaius, a young man of twenty-four summers, better known by his endearing childhood sobriquet, "Caligula" or "Little Boots." This Gaius was the noble progeny of Germanicus and the venerable Agrippina the Elder, his lineage a tapestry woven with the illustrious threads of Augustus and Livia themselves.
Caligula's reign dawned with a promise that seemed destined to outshine even the Augustan era. Persecutions were brought to a swift end, and the late emperor's damning records were consigned to the flames. Alas, fate dealt a cruel blow, for Caligula was swiftly laid low by a malady most insidious. The emperor who emerged from the clutches of this illness in late 37 bore the unmistakable hallmarks of mental frailty. Learned men of our age have sought to diagnose such afflictions – encephalitis, which gnaws cruelly at the mind, an overactive thyroid, or perhaps even a profound collapse under the unbearable weight of his exalted station. Whatever the root cause, his reign took a turn most lamentable, earning him the unfortunate epithet of "mad emperor."
The chronicles of Caligula's unsettling reign come largely from the pen of Suetonius, in his esteemed 'Lives of the Twelve Caesars'. Suetonius relates a most peculiar tale of Caligula's intent to elevate his cherished steed, Incitatus, to the honored ranks of the Roman Senate. He commanded his legions to do battle with Neptune himself, god of the seas, only to have them gather seashells upon the shores of Gaul instead. Whispers abound of scandalous liaisons with his three sisters: Julia Livilla, Drusilla, and Agrippina the Younger. An act of unimaginable blasphemy almost saw his own statue raised within the sacred confines of Herod's Temple at Jerusalem. Only the wise counsel of his friend King Agrippa I diverted him from a path that would have led, inexorably, to open revolt. At whim, he would order men slain in secret, summoning them to his palace moments later. When they failed to appear, a jest would fall from his lips – they must have chosen to end their own lives!
In 41, the Praetorian Guard commander Cassius Chaerea brought Caligula's reign to a bloody end. The emperor's fourth wife, Caesonia, and their young daughter Julia Drusilla met their ends at the same ruthless hands. The Senate, in the tumultuous aftermath, convened to weigh the grand notion of restoring the Republic itself.
41-54: Claudius
Claudius, younger brother to the esteemed Germanicus, had long been the laughingstock of his esteemed family, deemed infirm of mind and spirit. Yet, in a twist of fate, 'twas the Praetorian Guard who elevated him to the Imperial throne. Claudius, unlike his uncle Tiberius, was not consumed by paranoia, nor did he bear the taint of madness that haunted his nephew Caligula. Thus, he ruled the Empire with a measure of sound reason. The bureaucracy flourished under his hand, and the rolls of citizenship and the Senate were brought into a semblance of order. A winter harbor at Ostia Antica, a testament to his foresight, was commissioned—a haven for grain vessels caught in winter's icy clutches.
Claudius wisely commanded his legions to cease their conquest beyond the Rhine, setting a firm limit to the Empire's sprawl in that untamed realm. In 43, he ventured to revive the conquest of Britannia, which the great Julius Caesar himself had initiated. The Eastern provinces, too, felt the firm grip of his rule as they were drawn into the Imperial fold.
Tragedy, however, darkened Claudius's domestic sphere. Messalina, his Empress, betrayed him with the vilest of deceptions. Upon learning of her treachery, his wrath was swift—she paid for her crimes with her life. It was then his niece, Agrippina the Younger, who became his consort. An ambitious woman she was, and along with scheming freedmen, she wound her web of power around the Emperor. Some accounts speak of his demise as a natural one, while others whisper poison brought by Agrippina's own hand in the year 54. Later, Claudius was raised to the heavens as a deity. His passing cleared the path for Agrippina's son, young Lucius Domitius Nero, aged but seventeen.
54-68: Nero
Nero's reign stretched from 54 to 68. Diplomacy and the enrichment of the Empire's cultural treasury held this Emperor's fancy. Theatres rose at his bidding, and athletic feats were lavishly celebrated. He warred with the Parthian Empire, emerging victorious with a pact of peace hammered out. In faraway Britannia, the flames of rebellion led by Boudica were ruthlessly extinguished, and Greece enjoyed a strengthening of cultural bonds with Rome. Yet, vanity poisoned Nero's spirit. His mother, domineering and demanding, was a source of constant vexation. After failed attempts upon her life, his hand turned ruthless—her body fell to a murderous blade.
The Emperor, in his delusion, fancied himself a divinity. Seeking a dwelling fit for a god, he decreed the construction of the opulent Domus Aurea, the 'Golden House.' This extravagant palace devoured ruins left from the Great Fire of Rome in 64, an inferno of such terrible magnitude that many held Nero accountable. It was said he fiddled as the city burned, a fanciful tale, almost certainly untrue. The Domus Aurea was an architectural marvel of its age, its golden ceilings shimmering with precious gems. But by then, disgust for Nero was rife. The Christians, the undeserving scapegoats, could not quell the rising tide of hatred.
A conspiracy of the military cast Nero from his throne. Finding no place to hide, and with the Senate's death sentence hanging over him, the Emperor chose to end his own life in the year 68. "Jupiter, what an artist dies in me!" were the words said to escape his lips as his spirit fled.
68-69: The Tumultuous Year of Four Emperors
Alas, the tragic demise of Nero, bereft of an heir, plunged the mighty Roman Empire into a tempestuous season of civil strife – a year now etched in history as the "Year of the Four Emperors". Between the months of June in the year '68 and December in '69, Rome bore witness to the fleeting ascents and tragic downfalls of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, until at last Vespasian, scion of the Flavian line, grasped the imperial laurels. The havoc of these wars did not pass without consequence; indeed, they sowed the seeds of the Batavian rebellion. Such turmoil laid bare the unsettling truth: military might alone could forge an emperor.
Augustus, in his wisdom, had forged a standing army, its warriors swearing fealty to commanders for spans of many a year. Yet, this loyalty extended to the provinces, not to the Emperor in distant Rome. The Empire, one might say, resembled a patchwork of fledgling realms, ever teetering on the brink of dissolution.
The Flavians: A Balm for the Battered Empire
Through shrewd management and sagacious policy, Emperor Vespasian amassed a surplus within the Imperial coffers and laid the foundations for the magnificent Colosseum. His son, Titus, proved a worthy heir, yet his reign, though brief, was beset by misfortune, most notably the fiery wrath of Mount Vesuvius that rained ruin upon Pompeii. Still, he held grand ceremonies within the unfinished Colosseum before his untimely demise in the year '81. Titus' brother, Domitian, succeeded him, yet his fraught relations with the Senate sealed his fate – an assassin's blade ended his rule in September of '96.
Though their dynasty was but a flicker in history's grand arc, the Flavians brought a measure of order to an Empire reeling from chaos. Yet, their detractors whisper criticisms, drawn to their centralized governance. One truth is undeniable: their martial origins marked a decisive shift in Rome's heart, from the humble guise of princeps, the first citizen, to the unyielding imperator – the Emperor.
68-69: The Tumultuous Year of Four Emperors
Alas, the tragic demise of Nero, bereft of an heir, plunged the mighty Roman Empire into a tempestuous season of civil strife – a year now etched in history as the "Year of the Four Emperors". Between the months of June in the year '68 and December in '69, Rome bore witness to the fleeting ascents and tragic downfalls of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, until at last Vespasian, scion of the Flavian line, grasped the imperial laurels. The havoc of these wars did not pass without consequence; indeed, they sowed the seeds of the Batavian rebellion. Such turmoil laid bare the unsettling truth: military might alone could forge an emperor.
Augustus, in his wisdom, had forged a standing army, its warriors swearing fealty to commanders for spans of many a year. Yet, this loyalty extended to the provinces, not to the Emperor in distant Rome. The Empire, one might say, resembled a patchwork of fledgling realms, ever teetering on the brink of dissolution.
The Flavians: A Balm for the Battered Empire
Through shrewd management and sagacious policy, Emperor Vespasian amassed a surplus within the Imperial coffers and laid the foundations for the magnificent Colosseum. His son, Titus, proved a worthy heir, yet his reign, though brief, was beset by misfortune, most notably the fiery wrath of Mount Vesuvius that rained ruin upon Pompeii. Still, he held grand ceremonies within the unfinished Colosseum before his untimely demise in the year '81. Titus' brother, Domitian, succeeded him, yet his fraught relations with the Senate sealed his fate – an assassin's blade ended his rule in September of '96.
Though their dynasty was but a flicker in history's grand arc, the Flavians brought a measure of order to an Empire reeling from chaos. Yet, their detractors whisper criticisms, drawn to their centralized governance. One truth is undeniable: their martial origins marked a decisive shift in Rome's heart, from the humble guise of princeps, the first citizen, to the unyielding imperator – the Emperor.
81-96 CE: Domitian
The Flavian dynasty, though generally regarded with a measure of respect, had its share of strained relations with the venerable Senate, an outcome of their preference for autocratic rule. Domitian, however, bore the brunt of Senatorial displeasure. His unprecedented insistence on holding both the titles of consul and censor throughout his reign (the former shared fitfully with his father as was the custom of the Julio-Claudians, and the latter particularly difficult to secure) was a source of great consternation. Moreover, his frequent appearances as imperator, garbed in the full splendor of military regalia, were a gross affront to the carefully cultivated image of the Principate - that of the emperor as princeps, the first citizen. Yet, despite his ill-repute amongst the Senators, Domitian cleverly maintained the goodwill of the Roman populace with generous donations, extravagant spectacles in the grand Colosseum, and a continuation of his father's and brother's public works. He was rumored to possess his father's fiscal prudence, for despite his lavish ways, Domitian left a full treasury to his successors. On the battlefront, his Dacian War successfully repulsed the audacious Dacians, who sought to conquer the Roman province of Moesia, south of the Danube.
Alas, Domitian's reign took a sinister turn in its latter years. A deep-rooted paranoia plagued him, perhaps a consequence of the way he had been treated by his father – bestowed with nominal responsibilities yet never fully trusted with matters of consequence. Following the revolt of Lucius Antonius Saturninus, governor of Germania Superior, this paranoia bloomed into something monstrous. Executions, arrests, and property seizures became commonplace – perhaps explaining his extravagant expenditures. The emperor's madness reached a fever pitch, with even his closest advisors and kin living in terror. This, in the year 96 CE, precipitated his assassination – a plot devised by his Senatorial enemies, his empress Domitia Longina, Praetorian Guards, and the bereaved steward of Julia Flavia.
96-180 CE: The Five Good Emperors
The ensuing century was an era of remarkable peace and prosperity, graced with what history remembers as the "Five Good Emperors": Nerva (96-98 CE), Trajan (98-117 CE), Hadrian (117-138 CE), Antoninus Pius (138-161 CE), and Marcus Aurelius (161-180 CE). What distinguished this period was a novel approach to succession – each emperor, in his lifetime, carefully adopted a man of merit as his heir, foregoing dynastic claims. While this system's success is attributed to the emperors' wise discernment, one must consider that save for the last, none had natural heirs – a circumstance that surely contributed to its harmony.
The Antonines, encompassing the final two "Good Emperors" along with Commodus, complete the illustrious roll.
96-98: Nerva
Upon his ascension, Nerva, with the keen wisdom of age, sought to erase the despotic stain of Domitian's reign. Those unjustly imprisoned breathed an air of freedom once more, prosecutions born of treason ceased, and property wrongfully seized was returned to its rightful owners. With sagacity, Nerva sought to involve the venerable Roman Senate in the governance of the empire. It was a grand gesture, no doubt born of a desire to ensure his own longevity. Yet, even this act of conciliation could not shield Nerva from the smoldering resentment that yet lingered in the hearts of the army, so staunch in their loyalty to the late Domitian.
In October of 97, the Praetorian Guard, those entrusted with the emperor's very safety, besieged the Imperial Palace on the Palatine Hill. Nerva found himself held hostage, his life a bargaining chip in the hands of mutinous soldiers. With cunning born of desperation, he acquiesced to their demands, surrendering those deemed responsible for Domitian's assassination and, in a bitter display of fealty, thanking those who sought to undermine his rule. To bolster his weakened position, Nerva made a shrewd move, adopting Trajan, a respected commander on the German frontier, as his successor. While Casperius Aelianus, the very architect of this revolt, would meet his end under Trajan's reign, these desperate acts merely delayed the inevitable for Nerva himself.
98-117: Trajan
Trajan, upon assuming the mantle of emperor, embarked on a meticulously planned campaign against the Dacians, those troublesome denizens of the lands across the lower Danube who had long vexed the Roman Empire. In the year 101, Trajan himself led his legions across the river and, at the Battle of Tapae, smote the forces of the Dacian king Decebalus. Though tempted to press his advantage, the emperor, recognizing the need to reorganize his weary troops, imposed upon the Dacians a peace with terms most severe. Yet, his triumph was indisputable; hailed as a hero and garlanded with the title Dacicus, the conquest was immortalized in coinage throughout the empire.
Decebalus, proud king humbled, chafed under the weight of Roman terms. It was not long before he defied the treaty, stirring the hearts of his people to revolt. In the year 105, Trajan once again led his legions to Dacia. After a year of bitter fighting, he crushed the Dacians utterly, taking their capital of Sarmizegetusa Regia. Rather than suffer the ignominy of a Roman triumph, Decebalus chose the warrior's end, taking his own life by the sword. One hundred and twenty-three days did the Empire revel in celebration, and Trajan's Column, a marvel of sculpture, rose in Rome, forever marking the glorious subjugation of Dacia.
In the year 112, Osroes I, King of Parthia, dared to overstep his bounds by placing his own nephew upon the throne of Armenia, a kingdom traditionally within Rome's sphere of influence. This insult to Roman pride shattered a peace that had endured for five decades.
Trajan's wrath was swift. Into Armenia he marched, deposing the puppet king and annexing the land as a Roman province. Then, as an enraged lion, he fell upon Parthia itself, seizing Babylon and Seleucia. In 116, the capital of Ctesiphon lay prostrate before him, the Jewish revolt known as the Kitos War notwithstanding. Onward the emperor pressed, to the very shores of the Persian Gulf he swept, establishing Mesopotamia as a new province. He lamented only that age had robbed him of the vigor needed to emulate Alexander the Great, to carry the imperial standard into the heart of the East.
In 116, he laid his hand upon the great city of Susa, deposing Osroes I and installing his own puppet, Parthamaspates, upon the Parthian throne. In that moment, the Roman Empire reached its zenith. A loyal citizen might walk from Britain to the Persian Gulf and never leave the dominion of Rome. It was a feat of conquest not to be repeated until the time of Heraclius.
117-138: Hadrian
Though a brilliant military administrator in his own right, Hadrian's reign saw less grand military expansion than that of his predecessors, favouring instead the consolidation of the sprawling Roman Empire. He wisely relinquished those indefensible territories conquered by Trajan in Mesopotamia. Moreover, a potential conflict loomed with Vologases III of Parthia circa the year 121, but the shrewd emperor averted war through deft and timely negotiations. Elsewhere, Hadrian's legions would prove their might in quelling the Bar Kokhba revolt, a formidable uprising in Judea that raged from between 132 and 135.
Hadrian stands unique among emperors, for he embarked on an unprecedented tour of the provinces, a grand odyssey that saw him bestowing funds upon local building projects. In Britannia, he gave the order to raise the mighty stone bulwark that bears his name - Hadrian's Wall. Similar bastions of Roman ingenuity were constructed in Germania and North Africa, a testament to his dedication to preserving Imperial authority. At home, Hadrian’s reign would be marked by both peace and a prosperity rarely seen in the annals of Roman history.
138-161: Antoninus Pius
The ascension of Antoninus Pius was a boon to the Empire, for his reign brought relative tranquility. Minor skirmishes did occur in Mauretania, Judaea and amongst those recalcitrant Brigantes in Britannia, but these were of small consequence compared to conflicts of eras past. It is believed that unrest in Britannia spurred the construction of the Antonine Wall, stretching from the Firth of Forth to the Firth of Clyde. Alas, it proved rather short-lived.
161-180: Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus
The northern frontier became a cauldron of turmoil, as Germanic tribes and others surged against the boundaries of the Empire, particularly into Gaul and across the Danube. Further east, a resurgent Parthia once again threatened Roman dominion. The noble philosopher-Emperor Marcus Aurelius dispatched his co-emperor, Lucius Verus, to command the legions in the East. Verus possessed the gravitas to ensure loyalty, yet was too powerful in his own right to covet Marcus' mantle. Thus, the scheme worked flawlessly. Verus remained steadfast until his demise on campaign in 169.
Fortune darkened for Marcus in 175, as he contended with a rebellion fomented by the ambitious Avidius Cassius, a celebrated hero of the Persian Wars. Cassius brazenly proclaimed himself Emperor and seized control of Egypt and Syria. Rumours had reached him that Marcus perished on the northern frontier, but after three short months, the usurper was slain, and Marcus swiftly re-established order.
Marcus Aurelius proved not only a master of war but of wisdom. In his later years, the Emperor penned his "Meditations," a philosophical treatise informed by stoic philosophy. This work remains a touchstone of Western thought.
When Marcus passed in 180, the Imperium passed to his son, Commodus, who had been made co-emperor in 177. Thus ended the era of the previous four emperors, who wisely adopted their heirs. Commodus, however, lacked the wisdom of his forebears, and his reign would prove tumultuous.
Commodus
Alas, the glorious age of the "Five Good Emperors" met its tragic end with the reign of Commodus, from 180 to 192. Son of the esteemed Marcus Aurelius, he was the first heir by blood in a century, shattering the virtuous tradition of carefully chosen successors. Commodus shared the throne with his father from 177, and upon the elder Emperor's passing in the year 180, the people of Rome harbored great hope for their new sovereign. Yet, for all the generosity and wisdom that marked his father, Commodus was a creature of vice and cruelty. The renowned Edward Gibbon, in his masterful work The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, observes that Commodus initially governed with a modicum of prudence. However, a vile assassination attempt, a conspiracy whispered to have been hatched within his own family, poisoned his heart and ushered in an era of madness. The hallowed Pax Romana, the great 'Roman Peace', perished with the reign of Commodus. Some scholars maintain that this act of treachery was the first, fatal blow that sent the mighty Empire staggering towards its inevitable decline. Amidst the late 190s, as Commodus descended into unpredictable and tyrannical behavior, rumors swirled that the noble Pertinax was entangled in the conspiracy that led to the Emperor's demise on the 31st of December, 192. The plot itself was orchestrated by Quintus Aemilius Laetus, Praetorian Prefect, along with Commodus' mistress Marcia, and that wily chamberlain, Eclectus.
Pertinax
In the wake of this bloody deed, Pertinax, the esteemed urban prefect, was rushed to the Praetorian Camp and proclaimed Emperor at dawn's first blush. His reign – a mere 86 days – was fraught with unease. He strived to follow in the measured footsteps of the beloved Marcus Aurelius, and toiled ceaselessly to better the lives of Rome's impoverished children. Yet at every turn, he encountered hostility and scorn.
Didius Julianus
Upon his ascension to the throne, Julianus disgraced the Empire by swiftly debasing the Roman currency. The denarius, its silver purity shamefully compromised, now fell short of its former glory. News of this dishonor spread like wildfire, igniting fury in the hearts of Rome's citizens. Julianus was an unwelcome sight, his public appearances marred by jeers, curses, and epithets such as 'robber' and 'parricide'. Mobs sought to impede his path to the Capitol, some even resorting to hurling stones. Word of Rome's tempestuous rage soon reached those stationed at the far-flung corners of the Empire. Three great generals – Pescennius Niger in Syria, Septimius Severus in Pannonia, and Clodius Albinus in Britain – each commanding a trio of mighty legions, raised their voices in defiance of Julianus' rule. Severus, being closest to Rome and hence the most imminent peril, was swiftly denounced by Julianus as a public enemy. The Senate, ever keen to preserve its own skin, dispatched envoys to Severus' forces, promising clemency should they forsake Julianus. A new general was appointed to supplant him, and a centurion was charged with ending his life.
The Praetorian Guard, a once-feared force now mired in indolence and vice, lacked the will to defend their dishonorable Emperor effectively. Julianus, a desperate and doomed man, offered to share the Empire with his adversary, a plea met by Severus with contemptuous silence. Severus marched on, and as he advanced, the whole of Italy rallied behind him. Finally, the Praetorians, assured of their own safety should they hand over Pertinax's assassins, captured the conspirators and reported their deed to the consul, Silius Messala. The Senate was summoned and made aware of the situation. Julianus, his reign a mere three months old, was slain within the palace walls by a soldier. Severus, upon his triumphal entry into Rome, disbanded the Praetorian Guard and ordered the execution of Pertinax's killers. The historian Cassius Dio, who bore witness to these turbulent times, records that Julianus' final words were, "But what evil have I done? Whom have I killed?" His body was released to his wife and daughter, who laid him to rest in his great-grandfather's tomb upon the Via Labicana.
193-235: The Severans, A Dynasty of Tumult
Lucius Septimius Severus, a man of Phoenician blood and equestrian lineage, traced his lineage to the Roman province of Africa. His rise through the ranks was meteoric, a testament to his martial brilliance and ruthless ambition. Under the waning years of the Antonine emperors, he achieved the lofty title of consul. The tumultuous events following the demise of Commodus in 193 saw him hailed Imperator by his legions in Noricum. After vanquishing his ultimate rival, Clodius Albinus, in the fierce struggle at Lugdunum, Severus ruthlessly consolidated his grasp on the Empire in 197. Thus began the reign of the Severan dynasty.
Severus, a relentless warrior, embarked on a successful campaign against the Parthians and valiantly repelled barbaric incursions in Britannia, strengthening the venerable Hadrian's Wall in the process. His relationship with the Roman Senate, however, was a thorn in his side. Yet, much like his soldiers, who reveled in higher pay under his rule, he was beloved by the common masses. Regrettably, the malign influence of his Praetorian Prefect, Gaius Fulvius Plautianus, took root from 197, culminating in Plautianus's execution in 205. Severus, alas, maintained the harsh persecution of Christians and Jews – recalcitrant sects unwilling to align themselves with the Empire's religious syncretism. His death came while campaigning in far-flung Britain, and the imperial mantle fell upon his sons, Caracalla and Geta, heirs presumptive to the title of Augustus, reigning under the watchful gaze of their manipulative mother, Julia Domna.
Caracalla and Geta (198-217)
Caracalla, the eldest of Severus's heirs, was born Lucius Septimius Bassianus in Gaul's Lugdunum. His ubiquitous Gallic hooded tunic earned him the enduring moniker "Caracalla". He was swiftly elevated to the rank of co-emperor with his brother Geta, even before their father’s passing. Sadly, mirroring the fratricide of ages past, the two brothers were locked in a bitter struggle, climaxing in Geta's treacherous assassination. Weighed down by this blood-guilt, Caracalla ascended the throne as sole Augustus.
Caracalla's reign was a maelstrom of bloodshed and lavish bribery bestowed upon the legions. Countless rivals met their doom on his command, and cruelty became his hallmark. He warred against the Alamanni tribes with questionable success. Nonetheless, the colossal Baths of Caracalla in Rome remain as a lasting testament to his tumultuous reign. Most notably, the infamous Antonine Constitution (or the Edict of Caracalla) stands out – a decree bestowing Roman citizenship upon nearly all free subjects of the Empire.
His tyrannical rule came to an abrupt end on the road to Parthia. The Praetorian Guard, driven by desperation or ambition, assassinated the Emperor.
Interlude: Macrinus and Diadumenian (217-218)
Macrinus, born in Caesarea in 164, was a man of undistinguished birth and no connection to the Severan bloodline. Yet, from humble origins, he climbed the imperial bureaucracy until Caracalla appointed him Prefect of the Praetorian Guard. The Emperor's unhinged brutality led Macrinus into a lethal conspiracy. On the 8th of April, 217, Caracalla met his end while traveling to Carrhae. Within days, Macrinus was proclaimed Augustus. Diadumenian, Macrinus' young son, born in 208, was swiftly vested with the title of Caesar under his father and elevated to co-Augustus a year later.
His premature reign was troubled by his decision to sue for peace with the Parthians – terms considered by many to be a humiliation for Rome. He was ultimately undone by refusing to fulfill Caracalla's financial promises to the eastern legions. This, coupled with their fascination for the young pretender Elagabalus, sparked a rebellion. Loyal troops clashed with rebels near Antioch, and despite the Guard's courageous stand, Macrinus was defeated and fled to Chalcedon, only to be betrayed and executed after a mere 14 months as Emperor. Diadumenian, bravely attempting to reach Parthia, suffered capture and a swift demise.
Elagabalus: The Sun Emperor and his Scandalous Reign
Born Varius Avitus Bassianus, he would become M. Aurelius Antonius – or Elagabalus, as the whispers of history branded him. Descended from a Syrian priesthood devoted to the fiery orb of Elagabalus, the sun god, whispers suggested his rise to power was not merely of noble blood, but of divine mandate.
Julia Maesa, his cunning grandmother, spread the tale that young Elagabalus was the clandestine offspring of Caracalla, and thus an heir to Roman rule. This potent rumor ignited a revolt throughout the Syrian legions. They, burdened with troops loyal to the slain Caracalla, found their loyalty shaken to Macrinus. A short-lived battle near Antioch sealed Macrinus' fate, and the boy, Elagabalus, was ensconced upon the Imperial throne.
Ah, what tales spin from his four short years! A banquet where guests suffocated beneath a deluge of rose petals! A scandalous marriage to a male lover, this man elevated above all as "the empress's husband"! His desire to take a Vestal Virgin as bride, a sacrilege of the highest order! There are even lurid tales of his yearning for a woman's form, a grand bargain offered to any physician who could so transform him.
Alas, power is a fickle thing. Elagabalus left the tedious matters of empire to his doting mother and grandmother. Such neglect sparked resentment. His cousin, Severus Alexander, was crowned as Caesar. This youth proved far more popular with the soldiery. Elagabalus's envy festered, and he stripped the title from Alexander, kindling the Praetorian Guard's fury and sealing his own doom. Both emperor and mother were ruthlessly murdered by their so-called protectors.
Severus Alexander: A Star All Too Brief
A pawn in his grandmother's schemes, Severus Alexander, hardly more than a boy, was made Emperor. Julia Maesa, ever the puppet master, saw the peril before her. Elagabalus's scandalous excesses had turned the tides of favor. Her elder grandson was a stain to wash away; this new boy emperor would restore order.
From his fourteenth year he ruled, with Mamaea's firm hand guiding the affairs of state. Alas, the Empire was in disarray. On the eastern front, the Sassanian Empire, newly invigorated, posed a grave threat. To the north, Germanic tribes raided with impunity. Alexander, too young for the rigors of leadership, could only watch as decades of Roman might crumbled. A campaign into Gaul sought to restore order, but his timid command earned only contempt from the legions. At the tender age of twenty-seven, his own troops murdered him.
The Dying Gasps of Rome
And with Alexander died any hope of peace. The year was 235 AD, and the Roman Empire shattered. Generals turned their swords on one another, each vying for fragments of a broken crown. Germanic tribes poured over the Rhine and Danube, pillaging at will. The Sassanids savaged the eastern provinces. Disease, in the form of the Plague of Cyprian, swept through the heartlands, leaving desolation in its wake.
By 258, Rome was but a shadow: the Gallic Empire in the west, the Palmyrene Empire to the east, and in the battered middle, the remnants of Roman dominion clung to life. Yet, even in the darkest hour, there is always a flicker of hope. From the ashes of chaos rose soldier-emperors, men of iron will. Emperor Claudius Gothicus scattered the Goths at Naissus, while Aurelian mended the torn tapestry of empire.
Rome did not fall in a day. It withered from neglect, rotted from within, and was torn apart by ambition. But remember, dear reader, even the fiercest storm must eventually give way to the dawn.
The Waning Days of the Roman Empire
Historians mark the Late Roman Empire as arising from the Principate (the Empire's early years) with the ascension of the formidable Diocletian in 284 AD, amidst the crumbling chaos of the Third Century Crisis. In the West, the empire's final chapter is often defined by its dramatic collapse in 476 AD. However, the East's end is a matter of scholarly contention – some mark it at the close of Justinian I's reign (565 AD), others with the conclusion of Heraclius' reign (641 AD). The Byzantine Empire, a term of later invention, succeeded the fallen Roman might, with Heraclius ushering in a period of tumultuous transformation.
Diocletian and the Tetrarchy: A Time of Transition (284-301)
The Empire's slow but inexorable division into western and eastern halves was born of necessity. In July of 285, Diocletian seized the imperial throne, defeating his rival Carinus. His brief reign as sole emperor stabilized the Empire and brought respite to the long and bloody Crisis of the Third Century. In 286, showing remarkable political acumen, he appointed a co-emperor and further delegated power by establishing a system where two junior emperors served at their pleasure.
Diocletian was a tireless champion of Rome's security, purging threats both within and beyond its borders. The Sarmatians and Carpi quailed before his campaigns between 285 and 299, the Alamanni were scattered in 288, and usurpers in Egypt were crushed between 297 and 298. Galerius, Diocletian's trusted ally, won glorious victories against the eternal nemesis, Sassanid Persia, even sacking their proud capital Ctesiphon in 299. Diocletian himself oversaw the peace negotiations, securing a lasting and favorable treaty. His reign saw a bureaucratic transformation—civil and military services were carefully separated, provincial divisions were reorganized, and grand new administrative centers bloomed in Nicomedia, Mediolanum, Antioch, and Trier, strategically placed to better defend the Empire's far-flung frontiers.
Inspired by absolutist trends of the Third Century, Diocletian embraced an autocratic, almost regal style. He distanced himself from the masses, adopting elaborate court rituals and awe-inspiring architectural forms. His reign witnessed a vast expansion of the bureaucracy, relentless military campaigns, and ambitious construction projects—all requiring immense state expenditure. His sweeping tax reforms, implemented from 297 onwards, aimed to make taxation fairer and raise the needed revenue.
The Tetrarchy Tested
Diocletian, shrewd as he was, understood that the Empire's immense size made it ungovernable by a single emperor. Internal strife and external military threats were ever-present dangers. In a bold stroke, he divided the Empire along a northwest axis, with two equal emperors, each bearing the title 'Augustus'. Diocletian ruled as Augustus of the East, his long-time companion Maximian as Augustus of the West— the foundation of the future Eastern and Western Empires was laid.
On March 1st, 293, a second tier of power was established. Each Augustus took a junior emperor— a 'Caesar'—to manage administration and, importantly, to ensure peaceful succession. This system, known as the Tetrarchy, envisioned a harmonious chorus of rulers. Diocletian's plan for a seamless transition was indeed elegant and did function well initially. After he and Maximian abdicated in 305, the Caesars rose as planned. But with that initial harmony shattered, rivalries and ambitions would soon bring Diocletian's careful design crashing down.
Despite intense persecution against the burgeoning Christian sect – the likes of which were not seen since the darkest days of Nero – Diocletian's reforms stabilized the Empire. Yet, his Edict on Maximum Prices (301), which attempted to conquer inflation by brute force, failed miserably. His Tetrarchy would collapse under a maelstrom of dynastic struggles, his successors unable to preserve the unity he so desperately sought.
Diocletian, weary with age and illness, made history on May 1st, 305, by becoming the first Roman Emperor to voluntarily abdicate the throne. His retirement on the Dalmatian coast was tranquil, his days filled tending to his gardens. Even the core of the modern city of Split bears the indelible mark of his grand palace.
324 – 363: The Constantinian Succession
Constantine, having ordered the execution of his eldest son, the Caesar Crispus, in 326, elevated another son, Constans, to Caesar in 333. Additional appointments saw his relatives Dalmatius and Hannibalianus take the positions of Caesar and King of Kings respectively. Constantine's rule came to an end with his death on the 22nd of May, 337. His passing was followed by an interregnum, during which a ruthless struggle for power raged. Constantine II, Constantius II, and Constans emerged victorious, ruthlessly eliminating much of the Constantinian lineage. By September of 337, the trio were established as co-Augusti, with the Empire divided amongst them.
Alas, the peace was short-lived. Constantine II met his end in 340 during a conflict with his youngest brother. Constans, too, was slain, felled in the year 350 during a struggle with the usurper Magnentius. The pretender, despite opposition in Rome from the self-proclaimed Augustus Nepotianus (a cousin of Constans), reigned in the West until 353. However, his conflict with Constantius, the last remaining son of Constantine, brought Magnentius defeat and, ultimately, suicide.
With his rival gone, Constantius reigned alone. Yet another pretender rose in 360: his cousin and brother-in-law, Julian. Sent by Constantius to rule in Gaul, Julian garnered acclaim with victories against Germanic invaders. His loyal Gallic troops, defying an order to march East, instead proclaimed Julian as Augustus. The spectre of civil war loomed, but the timely death of Constantius on the 3rd of November 361, and his recognition of Julian as co-Augustus on his deathbed, spared the Empire further internecine bloodshed.
361 – 363: The Apostate Emperor
Julian, raised under the tutelage of the Gothic slave Mardonius, was a fervent devotee of Classical Greek philosophy. Once a Christian by baptism, he turned his back upon the faith of his predecessors. His brief reign saw an end to the oppression of pagans, and a mirrored persecution of Christians began. An edict of toleration in 362 led to the reopening of pagan temples and the return of alienated properties. Exiled Christian bishops returned to a church weakened by their internal conflicts.
Julian, far from a traditional pagan, was deeply influenced by Neoplatonism and Theurgy, even holding himself a reincarnation of Alexander the Great. He was a prolific philosopher, yet his revival of paganism foundered with his demise. Having resumed war with Persia's Shapur II, Julian met his end on the 26th of June 363, mortally wounded in battle. Legends tell of a farewell speech, a philosophical discourse held as life ebbed from him, and a final request for water before his death. A controversial figure, Julian was hailed as a hero by pagans and reviled by Christians.
364: Jovian
Julian's death left the Empire without an heir. The task of choosing a successor fell to his army officers, and they elevated one of their own, a rather unremarkable man named Jovian. His reign was brief but notable for a humiliating treaty with the Sassanids, ceding territory hard-won since the days of Trajan. A Christian himself, Jovian restored the privileges taken from the Church. His death came on the 17th of February 364.
364 – 392: The House of Valentinian
Once more, the army found itself choosing an Augustus. On the 28th of February 364, they proclaimed the Pannonian officer Valentinian I. Aware of the leadership crisis, the army demanded Valentinian choose a co-ruler, and on the 28th of March, he bestowed the title of Augustus upon his younger brother, Valens. The brothers divided the Empire along Diocletian's lines, with Valentinian in the West and Valens in the East.
Soon, Valens's authority was contested by Procopius, a maternal cousin to the late Julian. Procopius had gone into hiding upon Jovian's election, but by 365, he secured control of Constantinople. Proclaimed Augustus in September, his power momentarily extended throughout much of the East. The rival Augusti warred until Procopius was defeated and executed by Valens in May 366. Meanwhile, in the West, Valentinian fell ill in 367 and elevated his young son, Gratian, as a third Augustus – a move securing the succession.
Valentinian I's campaigning against the Quadi in 375 was cut short as the Emperor, enraged during an audience with their envoys, suffered a fatal brain hemorrhage. His death came on November 17th, leaving the young Gratian in the West and the infant Valentinian II, proclaimed by troops in Pannonia, as nominal co-ruler under Valens's authority in the East.
Battle of Adrianople (378)
Whilst the glorious Eastern Roman Empire grappled with its own tribulations, Germanic tribes wrought havoc upon its borders. The Thervingi, a formidable Gothic people, were cast from their native lands by the rapacious Huns. Their noble leaders, Alavivus and Fritigern, sought sanctuary within the Empire's embrace. The Emperor Valens, in an act of dubious magnanimity, granted them lands south of the mighty Danube in 376, ordaining them as foederati. Yet, these newcomers endured ceaseless hardship, their woes compounded by the avarice of Roman officials. Such maltreatment fanned the flames of revolt, inciting them to raise their standards against their hosts.
Skirmishing persisted for two arduous years. At last, Valens mustered his legions to quell this insurrection in 378. Gratian, his benevolent nephew, dispatched reinforcements from the West, yet destiny had marked this campaign for catastrophe. As the two armies drew nigh, near the town of Adrianople, Valens fell prey to overweening pride. Blinded by the perceived superiority of his forces, he spurned the sage counsel of his officers, who implored him to await his nephew Gratian's arrival. Others amongst his retinue, bloodthirsty for glory, urged immediate assault. Their exhortations, alas, carried the day. Eager to seize the laurels of victory, the impetuous Valens plunged his forces into battle. On the 9th day of August, 378, the Battle of Adrianople unfolded, culminating in a Roman debacle and the ignominious death of Valens himself. Ammianus Marcellinus, that most esteemed chronicler of the age, lamented the loss of two-thirds of the Roman host.
This fateful battle echoed disastrously throughout the Empire's history. Its ranks had been ravaged; seasoned warriors and cunning administrators lay amongst the slain. Such voids proved desperately difficult to fill, plunging the Empire into a profound leadership crisis. Moreover, the Roman army floundered under the burden of dwindling recruits. Indeed, within a century, its legions would swell with Germanic mercenaries.
Gratian and Valentinian II
The demise of Valens left Gratian and Valentinian II as the sole augusti. Now the weight of the entire Empire lay upon the shoulders of Gratian. He sought a worthy successor, a new Augustus for the East. His choice fell upon Theodosius I, the son of that distinguished general, Count Theodosius. The elder Theodosius met an unjust fate, executed in 375 under a cloud of dubious accusations. However, his son was appointed as a junior co-augustus in 379 at Sirmium.
Gratian, for a time, ruled the Western Roman Empire with zeal and acumen. Alas, as years wore on, he descended into indolence. His powers waned; the Frankish general Merobaudes and the venerable Bishop Ambrose of Milan held the reins of power. Gratian earned the Senate's ire by suppressing Rome's traditional pagan practices and relinquishing the venerable title of Pontifex Maximus. Furthermore, the senior Augustus alienated his own troops through his favoritism towards barbarians. He welcomed Alans into his guard and brazenly affected the garb of a Scythian warrior.
Meanwhile, a fourth Augustus arose – Theodosius elevated his eldest son, Arcadius, in 383, a clear bid to secure the succession. The child, barely five or six years old, held no true sway, yet was recognized as a co-emperor.
383–388: The Rebellion of Magnus Maximus
Gratian's growing unpopularity spelled ruin for the augusti that very year. Magnus Maximus, a Hispano-Roman general in Britannia, was hailed as Augustus by his troops. Filled with vaulting ambition, he invaded Gaul. Gratian, abandoned by his legions, fled from Lutetia (Paris) towards Lugdunum (Lyon), where he was treacherously slain on the 25th of August 383, at the tender age of 25.
379-457: The House of Valentinian and Theodosius
392-394: The Usurpation of Eugenius
Alas, in the fateful year of 392, Valentinian II, a young emperor of much promise, met a mysterious and untimely end in Vienne. Suspicion fell upon Arbogast, the magister militum, who some whispered had committed foul murder and swiftly placed his own puppet, the rhetorician Eugenius, upon the imperial throne. The venerable Theodosius, Emperor of the East, would brook no such usurper and marched west, seeking retribution. At the frigid waters of Frigidus, the two armies clashed, and Theodosius emerged triumphant, both Arbogast and Eugenius meeting a grim fate.
Thus, for the briefest of periods, the Empire was whole once more under the wise hand of Theodosius, a fleeting twilight before his own demise in February of 395. The Empire was once again sundered, Arcadius ascending in the East, his capital the grand Constantinople, while Honorius ruled in the West, initially from Milan, later withdrawing to Ravenna.
395-423: The Divided Empire of Arcadius and Honorius
Though now ruled by brother-emperors, the Empire remained intertwined, and Latin, the tongue of empires, maintained its prominence at court, spoken as widely as the Greek in the East. Arcadius, alas, lacked his father's vigor, and departed this world in 408, leaving the young Theodosius II to ascend the Eastern throne. Theodosius II would hold sway for a remarkable span of over forty years.
Branches of a Noble Tree: The Children of Theodosius
Theodosius was blessed with two sons and a daughter, Pulcheria, by his first wife, the noble Aelia Flacilla. Both wife and sons would sadly precede him to the grave. His second marriage to Galla, daughter of no less than Valentinian the Great, bore fruit in the princess Galla Placidia. Galla Placidia tasted the bitterness of fate, as both her first husband, Athaulf, King of the Visigoths, and her second, Constantius III, would meet untimely ends. Constantius III briefly ruled as Augustus, but his reign was cut tragically short.
Galla Placidia bore two children by Constantius: Valentinian III, destined to ascend the Western throne, and Justa Grata Honoria.
Upon the death of Honorius, the usurper Joannes seized the reins of power in Italy, prompting Theodosius II to dispatch the young Valentinian III as Caesar, backed by the strength of the Empire. Joannes was swiftly deposed, and Valentinian elevated to Augustus. His mother, the august Galla Placidia, served as regent until her son reached manhood. Valentinian III held sway for three decades, until a treacherous conspiracy saw him slain by the rebel Petronius Maximus and his caesar, Palladius. These villains forced Valentinian's wife and daughter to wed them, a most heinous act.
The Setting of a Dynasty
Theodosius II met his own end, and the general Marcian was made co-Augustus, marrying the late emperor's sister, the noble Pulcheria. Marcian was the last of the Theodosians to rule the East. When both Pulcheria and Marcian departed this mortal coil, in 453 and 457 respectively, the line of Theodosius came to an end. The court of Constantinople turned to another capable leader, the general Leo I, thus beginning the reign of the Leonid dynasty.
457-518: The Leonid Dynasty
The House of Leo, founded by the venerable Leo I, saw its lineage extended through his daughters in union with the august Empress Verina: Ariadne and her lesser-known sister, Leontia. Young Ariadne, in a strategic match, wed Zeno, and upon the death of her father in 474 (or perhaps a touch beforehand), their son, Leo II, was elevated to the rank of Augustus. Leo II, a mere lad, alas, met his end that very year, not before proclaiming his own father, Zeno, co-emperor.
Zeno, now the sole Augustus, faced a multitude of insurrections born from his frail claim to the throne. Most notable was the usurpation by Basiliscus, the late Emperor Leo I's brother-in-law. This coup briefly expelled Zeno from the splendor of Constantinople. Other pretenders descended from the noble Marcia Euphemia, daughter of Emperor Marcian by his first marriage. Marcia Euphemia had wed Anthemius, proclaimed Augustus of the West in 467. Her sons - the ill-fated Anthemiolus, slain valiantly battling the Goths, and his brothers Romulus, Procopius Anthemius, and Marcianus - all sought to unseat Zeno. The latter, Marcianus, married Leontia in yet another weave of imperial ambition. Yet, alongside ambitious sons-in-law, Zeno faced defiance from his generals, Illus and Leontius, though none succeeded in dislodging the resolute emperor. Let us not forget a relative of Leo I's beloved Verina, her name sadly lost to the ages, who wed Julius (later known as Emperor Nepos, or 'nephew').
Upon Zeno's passing in 491, his widow, Ariadne, sought remarriage, finding a match in the silentiarius Anastasius Dicorus, who was crowned emperor with resounding acclaim. Anastasius is famed for the mighty Anastasian Wall, a bulwark safeguarding the great Walls of Constantinople.
The Fading Light of the West
After the year 395, the emperors of the Western Empire were relegated to mere figureheads, the true might residing with military strongmen who claimed the titles of magister militum or patrician, or sometimes both. Names like Stilicho (395-408), Constantius (from approximately 411-421), Aëtius (433-454), and Ricimer (around 457-472) loom large in these chronicles.
The year 476 marks the widely recognized end of the Western Roman Empire. In that fateful year, Orestes, having usurped Emperor Julius Nepos, denied the pleas of his Germanic mercenaries for lands within Italy. These warriors, Heruli among them, rose in revolt under the fierce chieftain Odoacer. His forces captured and executed Orestes, and with ruthless swiftness, stormed Ravenna, deposing Orestes’ puppet son, the boy-emperor Romulus Augustus. This momentous event echoed through the ages as the true Fall of Rome in the West. Odoacer extended his dominion over Italy's remaining provinces.
Odoacer wisely returned the imperial regalia of the West to the Eastern Emperor, Zeno. Soon after, Zeno received two embassies. One represented Odoacer, requesting Zeno's formal blessing upon his rule in Italy, and promising to acknowledge Zeno's supremacy. The other was from the deposed Julius Nepos, beseeching aid in reclaiming his throne. Zeno bestowed the title of patrician upon Odoacer and instructed him, and the Roman Senate, to restore Nepos. But Nepos never left his exile in Dalmatia, despite Odoacer minting coins in his name. Upon learning of Nepos' demise in 480, Zeno laid claim to Dalmatia for the East. Historian J.B. Bury marks this as the definitive end of the Western Roman Empire. Odoacer attacked Dalmatia, sparking a war that ultimately saw Theodoric the Great, King of the Ostrogoths, conquer Italy at Zeno's behest. Theodoric established the Ostrogothic Kingdom, its heart in glorious Ravenna.
518–602: The Dynasty of Justinian
Principate Article: The Justinian Dynasty
Upon the passing of the esteemed Emperor Anastasius, the hallowed courts of Constantinople bypassed the heirs of the venerable Valentinianic-Theodosian line. Instead, they bestowed the imperial purple upon a distinguished veteran of the revered guard, Justin I, proclaiming him Augustus.
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